What does Tarique Rahman’s return after nearly 17 years in exile mean for Bangladesh?

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party chairman returns as the country searches for leadership, stability, and a democratic future

Originally published on Global Voices

Earlier this month, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman returned to the country after nearly 17 years in exile. Rahman, 60, an aspiring prime minister who has lived in the United Kingdom since fleeing Bangladesh in 2008 over what he described as a politically motivated persecution, arrived in the capital, Dhaka, on Thursday, January 8. His much-awaited homecoming was accompanied by overwhelming emotions and a huge public reception, with thousands of followers greeting him in Dhaka’s Purbanchal town.

Who is Tarique Rahman?

Tarique Rahman is the eldest son of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia and former President Ziaur Rahman. In 2007, during the Sheikh Hasina government, he was charged with 84 counts of illegal activity, including corruption, money laundering, defamation, and murder, and sentenced to seven years in prison.

His father, Ziaur Rahman, was a military officer turned political leader and founder of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP); he served as president from 1977 to 1981. Tarique Rahman was detained by the military-backed interim government from 2007 to 2008 and later released to go to the United Kingdom for medical treatment, where he remained in exile in London.

He was charged with several crimes in his native country, including a connection with a plot to assassinate then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. However, on March 6, 2025, he was acquitted of most of the charges by the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court.

What does Tarique Rahman’s return mean for the BNP?

Last December 24, BNP spokesperson Ruhul Kabir Rizvi described Rahman’s return as “a defining political moment” for the country.  It is indeed a crucial period. The BNP is the leading opposition group in Bangladesh’s new political landscape, which emerged after the overthrow of the Awami League government led by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina during the July Uprising. The movement launched by students on August 5, 2024, led to the toppling of the government and Hasina’s resignation.

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul-Islam Alamgir had stated that if the BNP were to return to power, three-time Prime Minister Khaleda Zia would again lead them as prime minister if she were healthy enough; otherwise, Tarique Rahman would be their nominee for prime minister. However, following Zia’s death last December 30, the entire party is now looking to Rahman for leadership. 

Khaleda Zia’s death brought to a close one of the more consequential political careers in modern South Asia. Her political life captured Bangladesh’s unresolved tensions between democratic aspiration and institutional fragility, between nationalism and regional integration, and between autonomy and interdependence with India. As Bangladesh navigates a new political transition, her life offers enduring insights into the intersection of nationalism, democracy, and regional order.

Rahman’s comeback amid Zia’s absence is likely to energize the BNP’s base and sway undecided voters in the short term. However, to translate momentum into electoral success, Rahman must demonstrate an ability to connect with the public, reassure a deeply polarized society, and offer a credible roadmap for reform and democratic transition.

BNP’s love-hate relationship with the Jamaat

Jamaat-e-Islami, the largest Islamist political party in Bangladesh, was an ally of the BNP during its 2001–2006 administration. However, this relationship had long been strained, and the BNP has since sought to reposition itself as a centrist force.

Now, after many years, the possibility of renewed alliance between the two parties has resurfaced, as the Jamaat attempts to thaw ties with the BNP ahead of the national elections on February 12. On January 1, after a condolence visit at BNP’s Gulshan Office following Zia’s death, Jamaat-e-Islami chief Shafiqur Rahman stated that the party and the BNP will work together in the future as they had in the past for the country’s interest, reports Prothom Alo.

He also said, “BNP leaders including Tarique Rahman (BNP acting chairman) have expressed the same desire. We have also said that, for the sake of the stability of the nation for five years, in the interest of restoring a good environment, we need to think about whether we can all come up with something good together. We have also said that God willing, immediately after the elections, before forming the government, we will sit down; we will talk openly. We will think for the nation; we will make decisions for the nation.” Shafiqur Rahman is also considering forming a unity government after the next national election, Reuters reported.

According to Bangladeshi-Australian political commentator Faiyaz Hossain, those in Bangladesh waiting for a return to electoral democracy after February 12 are in for a rude awakening. “There is some support for the BNP after the demise of the former prime minister, Khaleda Zia. In the absence of the Awami League, it is the BNP alone that can win polls. … What is the point of talking about a unity government before the polls take place?”

The question remains: even if the Jamaat succeeds in bringing about a unity government, would Bangladesh be able to recover from this state of political uncertainty and move toward a democratic transition? And who will run Bangladesh in the coming days, as the country is possibly entering a prolonged period of internal turmoil?

Opportunity amid disorder

For the BNP, this is an incredibly precarious political moment that could spell their victory or downfall. The autocracy of Sheikh Hasina has given way to “mob rule” in the interim government. The “promise of a new Bangladesh” is fading amid the interim government’s failure to restore law and order nationwide.

The National Citizens’ Party (NCP), which often claims to be the legacy of the July-August movement, has also begun to lose legitimacy, especially after the official announcement of its electoral alliance with the Jamaat. This prompted many to question NCP’s credibility because of Jamaat’s controversial political history. The Jamaat opposed Bangladesh’s independence struggle in 1971 and is alleged to have collaborated in genocide and other crimes during the ensuing liberation war. Opponents of the Jamaat describe these as fundamentally incompatible with Bangladesh’s democratic spirit, and following this development, 13 central leaders of the student-led NCP have resigned since January 1.

Meanwhile, the far-right Islamist forces are also deliberately attempting to steer Bangladesh toward an Islamic theocracy. This extremist surge alarmed the progressive and liberal factions of society, many of whom are now desperately searching for a political alternative and looking to Tarique Rahman as a potential savior.

This vacuum presents the BNP with a rare opportunity to prove itself to the people of Bangladesh. Widely seen as the frontrunner in upcoming polls, with Rahman a leading contender for the premiership, the BNP appears eager to occupy the political space vacated by the now-banned Awami League.

‘I have a plan’

Rahman referenced Martin Luther King Jr.’s historic “I Have a Dream” speech (1963) in his homecoming speech. Standing before supporters in Dhaka, Rahman said he did not have a dream, but a plan, aimed at serving the people, accelerating development, and transforming the lives of ordinary citizens.

“Standing on Bangladesh soil today, as a member of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, I want to say before all of you that I have a plan for the people of my country, for my country,” he declared. Although he did not discuss specifics, he was keen to explain that for it to be carried out, he needed the help of democratic forces across the country. “If you stand by us and support us, God willing, we will be able to implement this plan,” he further remarked.

In his 15-minute address, Rahman repeatedly called for unity among democratic forces to ensure peace, discipline, and the safety and security of citizens “at any cost.”

The road ahead

Rahman also spoke of building a Bangladesh that would include all people —  from the hill tracts to the plains — regardless of faith or identity. The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) region has a deep-rooted history of conflict, dating back to British colonial policies that promoted Bengali settlement in the hills. This resulted in the displacement and marginalization of Indigenous communities. Later, successive Bangladeshi governments adopted assimilationist policies, which intensified resentment and distrust in this sparsely populated region.

Even under the interim government’s tenure, reports of dehumanizing treatment by security forces persist. Whether a BNP government under Tarique Rahman can meaningfully address violence and discrimination in the region remains an open question.

More broadly, Rahman faces an uphill battle in a country experiencing a surge in violence against religious minorities, women, artists, and dissenters.

Since his much-talked-about “plan” has not yet been made public, Tarique has already faced many challenges. The most pressing is to hold free and fair general elections. His survival in the country’s political landscape as a national icon will largely depend on his ability to transcend partisan identification. Observers insist that Bangladesh requires no new messiahs. It requires a democratic political party with collectively accountable, democratically minded leadership.

Whether Tarique Rahman can rise to that challenge remains the central question of Bangladesh’s unfolding political moment.