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Sri Lanka And India Dodge US Dragnet With Mix Of Firmness And Tact – Analysis

With a mix of tact and firmness, Sri Lanka and India recently dodged US attempts to drag them into the ongoing US-Iran war. Both countries refused to bow to America's demand that the stranded Iranian naval vessels and their crew, currently under their care, should not be repatriated to Iran. 

Sri Lanka also denied permission to the US to land two of its armed military aircraft to land at Mattala airport in South Sri Lanka.

By doing so, they had escaped, by the skin of their teeth, an American plan to drag them into its war with Iran. America is lacking in allies as its only supporter is Israel, which is also a combatant in the Iran war. Europe and NATO have been dilly-dallying. They are now being subjected to Trump's threat to abandon them in their hour of need. The Gulf and Arab States have been of no active help, but they   allow the US to use its bases among them.

The US not only needs active allies but also strategic depth, in case the theatre of operations has to be expanded to the Indian Ocean and the Indo-Pacific. The need for such an extension was evident when Iran fired missiles into the US air base in Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean near the Maldives. In case the US needs to act in the Indian Ocean, east of Diego Garcia, it will need facilities if not bases in Sri Lanka and India. The Maldives will not be suitable because it is a 100% Muslim country with close ties with the Islamic world.

Some strategic thinkers suspect that the torpedoing of the Iranian vessel IRS Dena off Galle, south of Sri Lanka, was deliberate and meant to signal to Sri Lanka and India (the net security provider for the region) the US is supreme, can do what it likes and countries in the will be well advised to cooperate with the US, including bases and facilities the US may seek.

US-Sri Lanka Agreements

The US already has agreements with Sri Lanka and India covering US warships. 

The US-Sri Lanka Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) was first signed in 2007 and renewed/expanded in 2017. This agreement facilitates reciprocal provision of logistics support, supplies, and services (e.g., refuelling, maintenance) between the militaries only during exercises, humanitarian operations, or peacekeeping. 

The Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) has a more complex history. An earlier version dates back to 1995, but a proposed expanded or updated SOFA (draft sent by the U.S. in 2018) faced significant opposition in Sri Lanka over fears it would grant broad legal immunities to US personnel, access rights, and potential impacts on sovereignty. It was never signed.  

Recent developments focus on a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) signed in November 2025 under Sri Lanka's current NPP government (led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake). This MOU formalises a defence partnership under the US Department of Defence's State Partnership Program (SPP), linking Sri Lanka's armed forces with the Montana National Guard and US Coast Guard District 13. It covers "non-binding" cooperation in areas like joint training, maritime domain awareness, disaster response, humanitarian assistance, aviation/maritime operations, and professional military education. 

US-India Agreements

As for India, a Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) was signed with the US in 2016. It is the primary framework governing logistical support for US warships (and other military assets) in Indian ports. This agreement is a tailored version of the US's standard Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreements (ACSA), adapted to India's sensitivities on sovereignty and non-alignment.

LEMOA enables reciprocal, case-by-case provision of logistics support, including refuelling, supplies, repair and maintenance, port services, billeting, transportation, spare parts, medical services, and other essentials. But support is strictly limited to predefined activities, such as joint exercises, training, port calls, humanitarian assistance, or disaster relief. 

There is no automatic right of access—each request requires mutual consent and is evaluated individually by the Indian government.

LEMOA does not permit permanent basing, establishment of US military bases on Indian soil, or use for combat operations without explicit Indian approval. It preserves India's strategic autonomy, with no obligation for India to provide support in conflicts or alliances.

Overall, facilities for US warships remain limited to logistical and exercise-related support under LEMOA—no basing rights, no routine combat staging, and full Indian oversight. This aligns with India's multi-alignment policy.

Lankan President's Tact

Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake told parliament on Friday that Sri Lanka refused to allow US war planes to land at the Mattala airport in South Sri Lanka on March 4 and 8. Colombo also rejected a US demand that the Iranian ship IRS Bushehr and the crew in its care should not be repatriated to Iran. Sri Lanka has told the US that it plans to repatriate them to Iran, but only after the US-Iran conflict ends.

"We want to maintain our neutrality despite many pressures. We won't give in. The Middle East war poses challenges to us, but we will do everything possible to remain neutral. They (the US) wanted to bring in two warplanes armed with eight anti-ship missiles from their base in Djibouti to the Mattala International Airport and we said no," the Sri Lankan President said.

Meeting With Sergio Gor

Dissanayake's statement came a day after his meeting with the US Special Envoy for South and Central Asia, Sergio Gor. Gor and Dissanayake discussed US efforts to safeguard vital sea lanes and ports, reinforce mutually beneficial trade and commercial ties, and advance a free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific, a US State Department statement said.

Following the torpedoing of IRIS Dena and the shelter given to IRIS Bushehr, a total of 204 of the sailors are now accommodated at the Sri Lanka naval facility near Colombo. The US had pressed Sri Lanka not to repatriate the men and the vessel Bushehr to Iran. The US State Department said that the Sri Lankan authorities should minimise Iranian attempts to use the detainees for propaganda.

But the Sri Lankan President negatived the request saying that his  country had a "humanitarian responsibility" to shelter the crew.
Dissanayake's firmness made the US back off. As regards India, deft diplomacy by External Affairs Minister S.Jaishankar prevented the US from exploiting Prime Minister Narendra Modi's speech at the Israeli Knesset in which he pledged India's support to Israel "now and beyond". The dithering US-Israeli military action against Iran, Iran's successfully blocking the Strait of Hormuz and the energy crisis the blockage created, softened the US stand on the Iranian vessels in India.

India on its part, gave up its standoffish attitude to the war and held out a hand of friendship to Iran. Prime Minister Modi talked to the Iranian President and told him that India is a friend of Iran. Iran, which has had a very close relationship with India, responded quickly and meaningfully by permitting three Indian tankers to pass the Strait of Hormuz. India had been buying Iranian oil and was building a port at Chabahar before the war began.  

But Jaishankar said that Iran will be giving permission to vessels only on a case-by-case basis. About 22 Indian vessels are awaiting.

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